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Game of the Generals

Gladstone Cuarteros

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Proposed Reforms in the AFP and PNP

Brig. Gen. Jose Comendador

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Abolishing the Marines

Sen. Rodolfo Biazon

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Mistrusting Our

Elite Forces

Romy Lim

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Two Marine Officers Quit

Sunstar

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Salute to the New

Randy David

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Soldiers Are People Too

Joel Rocamora

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Military Radicalism

in Venezuela: How Relevant to Other Developing Worlds

Walden Bello

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Inevitability of a Coup

Alejandro Lichauco

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The President is the Biggest Threat to Military Discipline

Juan dela Cruz

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What's With the Armed Forces?

Rene Jarque

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Reinventing the Philippine Military

Bobby M. Reyes

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The Philippines Needs

a Constructive

Armed Forces

Rene Jarque

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Reforming the Armed Forces

Rene Jarque

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AFP Generals and

Officers Engaged in

2004 Poll Fraud 

YOUNG

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Operation Gloria

Aries Rufo

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Soldiers in Election:

From Pawns to Knights?

Rene Jarque

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The Filipino Soldier

Sec. Eduardo Ermita

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3 generals, 7 other AFP officers engaged in 2004 poll fraud

 

 

The Young Officers Union of the new generation (YOUng) has identified 10 more active officers of the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP), three of them generals, as participants in last year's alleged electoral fraud.

Among those named was Marine Brig. Gen. Francisco Gudani, incumbent assistant superintendent of the Philippine Military Academy (PMA) who was mentioned in the controversial “Gloriagate” audio tapes of being suspected to be on the opposition side.

Also identified were Brig. Gen. Nehemias Pajarito, chief of the Army's 104th Brigade based in Marawi City; Brig. Gen. Nelson Allaga, 3rd Marine Brigade commander; Navy Capt. Feliciano Angue, then head of Naval Task Force 62 operating in Tawi-Tawi and now Navy operations chief; and certain Marine Lieutenant Colonels Pelonia and Estopin based in Tawi-Tawi and Sulu, respectively.

The others were Army Colonels Rey Arde and Aminkadra Undog, one Colonel Pereno and one Captain Perez, whose assignments during the polls were not immediately known.
 

 

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'Operation Gloria'

Aries Rufo, Newsbreak

 

MILITARY officers cheated for President Arroyo in Sulu, employing persuasion, intimidation, and bribery, two officials of the Commission on Elections (Comelec) have told NEWSBREAK.

 

One of the two poll officials is willing to testify before any probe body. NEWSBREAK is withholding their identities pending their appearance in an official investigation into the so-called “Garci” tapes. One of them, based in the Comelec’s main office in Manila, helped supervise the elections in Sulu in May 2004.The two sources identified the military officers involved but, for fear of reprisal, requested anonymity. It was the first time the two sources talked to the media.

 

On May 4 that year, or six days before the elections, the Manila-based election official was invited by a senior general to a hotel in Zamboanga City. In the hotel, the election official saw a number of military officers and concluded that this was not going to be one of the regular meetings with Comelec deputies (the Armed Forces of the Philippines and the Philippine National Police serve as Comelec deputies during elections).

 

The source decided to leave the hotel but was approached by a junior officer, who told the former about the agenda: to ensure the President’s victory. The source quoted the officer as saying: “We have orders from higher ups. We have to make her [Arroyo] win.”

 

The junior officer referred to the plan as “Operation Gloria,” which sought to have the votes apportioned at 70-20-10 in favor of Ms. Arroyo. The officer reportedly explained: “70 percent of the votes would go to the President, 20 percent to FPJ [Fernando Poe Jr.], and 10 percent to [Panfilo] Lacson.”

 

The election official refused to take part in the operation. Undaunted, the young military officer sought permission to “use the election officers in Sulu.” Not wanting to incur the military’s ire, the source recalled telling the officer: “Do what you have to do, but I cannot help you. If you want, go to the precinct level. I am only going to read what’s on the municipal certificate of canvass.”

 

We contacted an election officer based in Sulu to check if the military participated in vote rigging in the province. The election officer agreed to talk to us on condition of anonymity. She said she had been traumatized by her experience with the military.

 

An Officer’s Bribe
 

She confirmed that during the elections, she received P50,000 from an Army captain. She said she accepted the money out of fear. But after consulting her superior, she decided to return it by getting from the captain his bank account details and depositing it there.

 

“I was crying during the canvassing because the military wanted me to tamper with the elections,” the election officer told NEWSBREAK in a phone interview. “They said the President must win. I was shivering and I wanted to get out of the canvass area. The pressure was too much,” the source said in Filipino. Canvassing for the municipal and provincial results was held inside Camp Gen. Teodulfo Bautista in Jolo.

 

We sought out these two election officers to check information revealed in the “Garci” tapes, supposedly containing wiretapped conversations between President Arroyo and Elections Commissioner Virgilio Garcillano. In one portion of the recording, Garcillano talked about the military’s participation in what appears to be a cheating operation for the President.

 

In a phone conversation on May 29, 2004, a woman who sounded like the President expressed concern that the opposition was threatening to expose cheating in a particular area. The woman told Garcillano that the opposition appeared to have secured affidavits in which teachers and the board of canvassers stated that they were made to cheat. In that conversation, Garcillano blamed one General Habacon for the problem, implying that he had messed up the job.

 

In a June 2 conversation with someone who sounded like the President, Garcillano again blamed the military for the reported foul-up in Basilan and Lanao del Sur. “Alam nyo naman ang mga military, dun e, hindi masyadong marunong kasi silang gumawa. Katulad dun sa Sulu (You know the military there [in Basilan and Lanao del Sur], they’re not that good unlike those in Sulu).” Garcillano told the woman.

 

NEWSBREAK mistakenly reported in its July 18 issue that Maj. Gen. Gabriel Habacon was at the time the commander of the Army’s first infantry division, which had jurisdiction over Sulu, Basilan, and the Zamboanga Peninsula. During the elections, Habacon was only in charge of Sulu, as commander of Joint Task Force Comet, which has military jurisdiction over the whole island province. The first-division commander then was Maj. Gen. Trifonio Salazar, now retired.

 

Habacon denied insinuations that he could have been a party to poll cheating. “I have never been involved in any fraudulent acts,” he said. Habacon is at present the commander of the first infantry division. When asked to comment on “Operation Gloria,” he said: “I have never heard of that kind of animal except now that you asked me.”

 

Delayed Canvass

While the President won in Sulu, it was a tight race, with her getting 78,429 votes over Fernando Poe Jr.’s 60,807. (In the five provinces composing the Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao, where Poe was concededly popular, it was only in Tawi-tawi that he won—49,803 votes against Arroyo’s 33,634.)

 

The two Comelec sources privy to the Sulu operation told NEWSBREAK that Poe could have easily beaten Arroyo in the province if not for the military’s hand in cheating.

 

According to the Manila-based source, municipal election officers in Sulu were offered by military officers between P50,000 and P150,000 to tamper with the results. To the Sulu-based source, this was the first time that the military “played with the results” of the elections in that province.

 

Unable to take the pressure, the election officer said she “walked out” of the canvassing and went into hiding in Zamboanga City. She was luckier than another election officer, Cipriano Ebron, who, if the wiretapped conversations are to be believed, was forced to go into hiding after soldiers got angry with him for his crude tampering with election documents in the town of Panguntaran.

 

A check with Comelec showed that the Panguntaran certificate of canvass (COC) had been tampered with. In the COC, President Arroyo got 8,716 votes (in Arabic numerals), but obviously her actual votes, written in words, totaled only 716. Poe’s votes were reduced to 252 (Arabic numerals) when his votes in words were 4,253.

 

The Manila-based source said that the cheating was most apparent in the municipalities that were late in submitting their canvass results.

 

Minutes of the Sulu board of canvassers show that in the towns that submitted late canvass results, Arroyo won by a landslide. These are Siasi, Talipao, and Indanan. In Siasi, Arroyo got 9,231 votes against Poe’s 640 while in Talipao, Arroyo got 7,498 versus Poe’s 3,710. In Indanan, Arroyo got 11,254 while Poe got 6,280.

 

A General’s Plea

The source recalled that when belated results still showed a close fight between Ms. Arroyo and Poe, a military general approached her during the provincial canvassing and asked “Wala na bang magagawa? (Can nothing else be done?)” The source said she told him it was too late to further change the results.

 

Former ARMM regional election director Helen Aguila Flores acknowledged that there were problems in Sulu. Flores was relieved from her post on May 6, 2004, four days before the elections, for still unclear reasons. She told NEWSBREAK that before this, she had verbal clashes with Habacon regarding the clustering of precincts in the province.

 

Flores said she was hoping that the clustering system in the 2001 senatorial race would be followed in the 2004 polls because the previous one worked well. But Habacon reportedly would hear none of it. “He wanted to reduce the number of polling places and my concern then was to avoid disenfranchising the voters and avoid a situation where warring groups would meet in one polling center,” Flores explained.

 

The old cluster put the second district of Sulu under the jurisdiction of the Marines, but Flores said Habacon wanted this area placed under the Army. She also said that one of her election officers in Panamao town, Shameer Abdulcadil, had been abducted and was missing for two days during the election period. “Abdulcadil reported the incident to me and he recalled that it was an Army jeep that was used in abducting him,” Flores said.

Habacon denied that his unit had harassed election personnel in the province.

 

All the complaints of election officers in Sulu reached the Comelec’s main office. The Manila-based source said that she met with Garcillano at the main office and told him about the problems in Sulu.

 

Of course, the “Hello, Garci” tapes hadn’t come out yet at that time. —With reports from Julie S. Alipala in Zamboanga City

 

 

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Soldiers in Election: From Pawns to Knights?

Capt. Rene Jarque

The next three months toward election will be a period of uncertainty and disorder. As ambiguity grows and insecurity intensifies, the role of the Armed Forces in politics once again becomes an intriguing prospect. In fact, some sectors are now proposing that the AFP should take over government and provide stability and leadership.

Past elections tell us that cheating is to be expected. Greed and fear will impel politicians to ensure victory and cheating--in the form of flying voters, dagdag-bawas (literally, add-deduct), ballot switching--is a guarantee to victory. For the administration party, drawing from their humiliating Estrada vs Jose de Venecia experience in 1998, the key is to find a way to narrow the gap between Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo (GMA) and Fernando Poe, Jr. (FPJ). And electoral fraud is a major option.

A major element of this effort would be the mobilization of the Armed Forces. Command of the AFP is a distinct advantage of the incumbent and all the senior commanders today are GMA appointees.

The pronouncement of the AFP Chief of Staff , General Antonio Abaya, that the armed forces will be apolitical and that soldiers will not be used as election deputies is commendable. But it is not an assurance that the AFP will be uninvolved.

Indeed, how serious is General Abaya and how far will he go to ensure a clean and honest election? How can he stop or chastise the partisan activities of officials of the Department National Defense (DND) and the AFP? For example, Secretary of National Defense Eduardo Ermita has been designated as chairman of GMA¡¯s campaign committee. How can Abaya tell his boss that AFP resources and facilities should not or cannot be used for election-related activities? On Ermita¡¯s part, how can he effectively manage his department if he is too busy with the elections? The pronouncements that cabinet members will not use their positions to benefit the administration in the election is incredulous and very difficult to believe.

How AFP is involved

Thus the question is not whether the DND-AFP will be used for the elections or not; it will be undoubtedly used. The question is how will it be used? Previous elections show how the military can be employed:

1) The DND-AFP can provide financial support through diversion and conversion of the budget (CAFGU funds, emergency and calamity allocations, confidential funds not subject to government accounting procedures) or from AFP financial institutions and businesses (i.e., RSBS, AFPSLAI, golf courses).

2) The AFP can provide logistical support. For instance, the printing facilities of the Civil Relations Service in Camp Aguinaldo can be used to produce leaflets and posters. The AFP can supply transport for favored candidates like in 1998 when AFP-RSBS furnished a helicopter to administration presidential candidate Joe de Venecia, according to the probe of the Senate Blue Ribbon Committee.

3) With the manual vote counting, ballot switching or snatching can occur with military trucks used to transport the ballots; or the ballots are ¡°safeguarded¡± inside military camps.

4) In remote areas, soldiers can be used for campaigning or to pressure constituents to vote for certain candidates.

5) Military intelligence operatives can be tapped to monitor or conduct ¡°demolition jobs¡± against opposition candidates or worse, to stage violent activities in areas where the opposition is strong in order to frighten voters not to go to the polling stations. Violent actions can also be used to effect a failure of elections in areas where the administration is losing. This scenario is especially chilling for Mindanao where many bombings have occurred and where the opposition is perceived to be strong among the Muslim population.

The outlook for the election looks bleak and it would be wishful thinking to ask our soldiers to perform their role as ¡°defenders and protectors of the people¡± by ensuring a clean and honest election, indeed, to transform themselves from mere pawns to become the knights of a society in turmoil.

Commitment

Nonetheless, the soldiers can do a great service to the nation if the AFP, through the senior commanders, declare and commit that:

1) The AFP is for the people and not for any party or politician;

2) The AFP will ensure that the election will be clean and honest;

3) The AFP will not allow its resources or funds to be used by any party, including the administration¡¯s;

4) The AFP will not tolerate electoral fraud and candidates caught cheating shall be dealt with according to the law;

5) All organizations inside military camps which are election-related or making political statements shall be ejected;

6) Military officers who provide partisan support to politicians or parties shall be relieved and court-martialed;

7) Politicians should get their act together or by the mandate of the people, the AFP will initiate revolutionary changes

In fact, GMA as the President and Commander in Chief should be declaring these, that is, if she was not running. Can you imagine if the President is campaigning, not for herself, but for a peaceful, clean and honest election and ordering the AFP to ensure it? Can you imagine if the President herself, using the powerful resources of her office, is going around the countryside exhorting politicians not to cheat and educating voters to vote for the right candidate but not endorsing anyone? Perhaps then we can really say then that there is hope for our country.

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About the Author:

Rene N. Jarque is a former Philippine Army officer who served as Special Assistant to the Secretary of National Defense for defense policy and strategy. He was Chief of Strategic Research of the Office of Strategic and Special Studies, AFP. In the Philippine Army, he served in various command and staff positions with the First Scout Ranger Regiment, 5th Infantry Division and Psychological Operations Group. He is Infantry, Scout Ranger, Airborne and PSY-OPS qualified and has received numerous awards and decorations for gallantry in combat, including for wounds in battle, and for effective leadership and unit management. He was a lecturer in AFP schools and was editor of the Army Journal, Cavalier, OSS Digest and OSS Research Series. His essays and commentaries have appeared in many publications notably, Politik, Newsbreak, The Philippine Star, Philippine Daily Inquirer, among others. He left the military service in 1998 as a Captain and has been working abroad as an executive since then. He briefly came back to the Philippines in 2003 and was involved with various cause-oriented works advocating AFP reform and good governance. He is a graduate of the United States Military Academy, West Point, class of 1986 and has an MBA from the Ateneo Graduate School of Business.

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Home | From the Soldiers | The Struggle for Change | Withdrawal of Support | The Armed Forces | The Nation | Issues and Concerns

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